REPORT OF

THE GENERAL SECRETARY

Dear Comrades,

Since the 11th Conference of the CITU, held at Chennai in December 2003, several important developments in the international and national arena have taken place. These have a long-term impact on the working class and trade union movement in our country. Those developments have brought forth many opportunities as well as challenges. We have to review them dispassionately to evolve our approach to meet the new challenges facing the working class movement.

During the intervening period, many leading comrades in the working class and democratic movement have passed away. They had made immense contribution in developing the movement from its nascent stage in different parts of the country. Many comrades - both from the trade union and the democratic movements - have embraced martyrdom while carrying on struggle against exploitation and braving the attack of the reactionary forces. We remember them with a heavy heart and pay our respectful homage to their memory.

2. INTERNATIONAL SITUATION

The Presidential address to this Conference has dealt in detail the developments in the international arena.

The international scenario during the intervening period witnessed aggressive hegemonic manoeuvres by the imperialist forces led by US Administration on the developing countries, simultaneously on political, economic and military fronts. This period also witnessed:

* People raising louder voice against imperialist aggression by the US and its allies in the Middle East;
* Massive mobilisation in various parts of the world, including those imperialist countries;
* Increasing spate of strike actions, even in the European Union, against the fall out of neoliberal economic order;
* Changes towards left of the centre in the political scenario of the Latin American subcontinent;   and lastly;
* The defeat of President Bush’s party in US Senate election.

3. NATIONAL SITUATION

The General Secretary’s Report adopted by the 11th Conference of CITU underlined that, “while carrying on our untiring effort in organising militant mass struggle against the policies of the Govt, we must also continue organised campaign from our independent platform against communalism and all kinds of divisive virus being spread by the ruling class to weaken the unity of the people and divert the attention of the people. This task is of crucial importance in view of the strategy of aggressive communalism being resorted to by the BJP bandwagon to retain themselves in political power in the face of their gradual isolation from the people owing to their disastrous anti-people policies… We must effectively combat such heinous ploy of the communal forces in power, if we are to successfully unite the working class and toiling masses in the struggle against the capitalist and imperialist offensive and bring about the change in the correlation of forces in the right direction.” The direction of the 11th conference had, in essence, been to isolate and defeat the communal forces in power on the one hand and strengthen the assertive edge of the forces of struggle against imperialist neo-liberalism.

We can start with a sense of satisfaction that the post - 11th Conference period witnessed ouster of the NDA combine from power. The working class movement in the country played a big role towards changing the correlation of political forces in the country. This made the UPA regime that assumed office at the centre dependent on the Left forces, which took and pursued a consistently forthright stand against the policies of neoliberalism.

The Nasik meeting of the CITU General Council in July 2004 while underlining the task before the CITU in the post election scenario stated: “The defeat of NDA government has generated high expectation among the mass of the working people, who fought bitterly against onslaughts on their rights and livelihood during its rule. These expectations must be articulated loudly, through vigorous campaign and mobilisation, demanding pro-people orientation of the economic policies and expansion of democratic rights; otherwise demoralisation is likely to creep in, much to the advantage of the communal forces waiting in the wings. The working class movement has to shoulder the task of mobilising people in that direction, as an integral part of its political task to further isolate the communal forces and at the same time facilitate and strengthen interventions by the Left, to make the government at the centre work for the people. It is the mobilisation by the working class at the ground level, which can make the intervention of the Left on the policy issues more effective; such intervention is crucial and essential to maintain the secular governance and isolate the communal forces.”

In the light of the above understanding, we have to review the developments and the effectiveness of our intervention during the period since 11th Conference.

We had no illusion about the class character of UPA regime. The task to strengthen struggle against neoliberal policies through unity and struggle has been uppermost in our mind during this period.

The two and half year old Congress led UPA regime reflects the continuity of the pursuit of almost same policy of NDA regime, especially on economic and foreign policy fronts.

The National Common Minimum Programme (NCMP) incorporated a commitment for pursuit of “an independent foreign policy, keeping in mind its past traditions” and to “seek to promote multi-polarity in world relations and oppose all attempts at unilateralism”. But, in violation thereof, the UPA Government only demonstrated a clear tilt in its foreign policy regime in favour of US imperialists’ hegemonistic manoeuvres in the fast changing international political scenario. The Government of India supported the US imperialists against Iran on the nuclear related issues in the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). It has been following in the footsteps of the NDA regime by continuing its ‘strategic’ cooperation with the USA through a ten-year military framework agreement and made unwarranted compromises in favour of USA in the Indo-US nuclear deal. Such unwarranted tilt away from nonalignment and in favour of imperialist block, if allowed to continue without opposition on the foreign policy front, is bound to have ominous portents for and ramifications on the internal policies as well - both on economic and political fronts.

4. ROLE OF LEFT FRONT & LEFT DEMOCRATIC FRONT GOVERNMNETS

In this context we must note the distinct role of the Left Front and Left & Democratic Front governments in West Bengal, Tripura and Kerala. These governments, it must be remembered, have severe limitations and resultant difficulties in operating within the neoliberal capitalist framework, accompanied by the present pro-imperialist thrust on the economic and political fronts. They, as State governments within the present uni-federal structure, face several compulsions as the central government seeks to tie up its fund-flows to the States with the neoliberal prescriptions in most of the cases. Yet, these Left-led State governments could demarcate themselves both politically and on economic policy matters and assert in favour of the rights of the toiling people. The pro-imperialist tilt in the foreign policy received the loudest protest of the mass of the toiling people from these States; the Left-led governments minced no words in condemning such deviation in the foreign policy. In the economic policy front as well, these Left led governments are making serious efforts to reach the benefits of development to common people and defend their livelihood in the best possible manner. These governments also opposed the hectic drive by the central Government to curtail labour rights through changes in legislations. While the Central Government indulged in dilatory tactics on bringing up the legislation on unorganised sector workers, the Left Front Government of West Bengal has introduced provident fund/social security scheme for unorganised sector and agricultural workers; it also provided some relief to the workers of closed factories in the State, when the Central Government and other Congress and BJP run governments chose to leave them in the lurch. Not only that, the very existence of these Left-run Governments constitutes, in a way, a hurdle for the blind pursuit of the neoliberal policies by the Central Government.

We must correctly evaluate the impact of the existence of the Left-run Governments in the country on the working class and democratic movement. It may be recalled that for the first time in India, the West Bengal Left Front Government extended the right to strike for the State Government employees. The Left led governments have also ensured that during industrial disputes police do not intervene on the side of employers. We must also take serious note of the calculated efforts by the media and the adversaries of the Left, not only in our country but also various agencies of abroad, to malign the Left and the Left Front Governments. This malicious campaign is being engineered from the extreme rightist forces, many a times with an apparent leftist camouflage. Working class movement has to combat these offensive anti-left campaigns and close its rank in defence of the Left and Left-Democratic Front Governments in the country.

5. ECONOMIC POLICY ISSUES

The intervening period witnessed the UPA Government continuing the same neoliberal policies of the NDA period; in certain areas it even gained more vigour and momentum. Successive budgets and legislative initiatives during this period reflected the same retrograde trend. No doubt, owing to consistent pressure by the Left parties, in the background of mounting struggles by the working class and other mass organisations, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act has been enacted. It facilitates 100 days work in a year for one from every rural household; but it has been launched only in 200 districts initially, with a roadmap to cover the entire country in the next five years. The other pro-people commitments laid down in the NCMP, however, remain unimplemented till now. But, the UPA regime has become overactive in their chosen areas of showering concessions to big capitalists, both domestic and foreign, in the name of pushing through reforms.

The continuation of policy of liberalisation, which includes import liberalisation of agricultural products, including food grains, withdrawal of quantitative restrictions, rise in prices of agricultural inputs and adherence to the WTO dictates, have resulted in the agrarian distress getting aggravated. Domestic agricultural products are unable to compete in the market and the food production is being reduced drastically, endangering food security for the entire population and resulting in large-scale poverty and unemployment in the agrarian sector. Recurring suicides of farmers - particularly in Vidharbha in Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh - are the manifestation of the depth of such distress.

Private procurement of grains in the rural economy is allowed in a big way, paving the way for entry of various multinational companies and big domestic corporate houses into the field. Side by side, the role of the Food Corporation of India (FCI) is being undermined by closure of its godowns throughout the country and delayed announcement of minimum support price. As a result of this planned and sequenced arrangement, the private traders have an edge over FCI. This results in sharp decline in the procurement by the FCI. Ground is prepared for marginalising and dismantling the FCI and for giving a free hand to private traders to hoard. At the same time millions of tonnes of wheat is imported at a hefty price, much higher than what has been offered to peasants in domestic procurement process. This policy package of the Government is pursued under the camouflage of ensuring higher returns to peasants! But, it is destined to create a situation where both the peasant producers and consumers would fall victims of the traders’ lust for profit, who would dictate terms in the food grain market.

We have to analyse the situation of continuing rise in prices of all essential commodities in this background. The price situation during last one and half year is no more a cyclical phenomenon of periodical ups and downs. Continuing rise in prices has become an eternal phenomenon. The steep rise in petroleum prices is having its cascading impact on prices of all essential commodities. The rise in the prices of food grains, pulses and other staple eatables is also having its multiplier effect on the general price level, making the conditions of the common people miserable. The liberalisation and corporatisation of grains-trade and procurement, allowing forward trading in most of the essential commodities have all further aggravated the price situation to an almost irreversible extent. The Finance Minister’s argument that the inflation is sparked by overheating of the economy, as a result of sustained high growth, is only an attempt to fool the people. The price rise is the result of a conscious drive by the government to ensure big-bang gains to the big traders and intermediaries, at the cost of both the primary producers and consumers down the line.

The Special Economic Zones (SEZ) Act has been passed allowing virtually a no-tax regime with little accountability for both the private sector developers and the establishments operating in the proposed zones. The rules framed under the SEZ Act seek to deny/restrain basic labour rights to the workers within the SEZs; they also deprive the farmers of their agricultural land without proper compensation and rehabilitation. In this manner, the so-called development under the neoliberal framework is synonymous with displacement.

Vigorous drive is afoot to completely deregulate financial sector that too under the dubious plea of ‘effective and efficient regulation’. Two Bills are already introduced in Parliament to allow greater control of the foreign capital on private banks and dilute the role of Reserve Bank of India in regulating the financial sector. These Bills, once passed, would have dangerous impact on country’s financial autonomy. Vigorous drive is also afoot in weakening public sector’s role in defence production and allowing free entry of foreign and domestic corporate players in this strategically sensitive sector. The sensitive infrastructural areas like telecom, ports, airports etc are targeted for greater doses of privatisation, even though enough technological and financial competence is available within the public sector framework to expand and strengthen these infrastructures.

Since Navaratna companies cannot be disinvested as per NCMP stipulations, the UPA Govt. has been making hectic bid to change the definition of Navaratna companies. It seeks to link this status with the performance of the respective company share in the stock market making the company’s status prone to stock-market manipulations.

The Government is moving fast ahead to implement the Kelkar Committee recommendation on Defence PSUs and the Ordnance Factories leading to corporatisation of Ordnance Factories and pushing through joint venture exercise by other PSUs under the Defence Ministry—all aimed at privatisation and free entry of private sector including foreign companies in the field of defence production. Similar efforts are being made in other areas also in the name of public-private partnership and other dubious routes.

Crucial public utility services like electricity, water supply, health etc are being privatised in the name of public private partnership (PPP). Such PPP route in these public utility services are meant not for making the services available for larger sections of population at affordable rates but for allowing private players to gain a fortune by increasing the ‘user charges’. There are many other examples of such disastrous trends.

Following the footsteps of the NDA regime, the present government had promulgated an ordinance to set up the Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority (PFRDA). The move is to shift all social security pensions from “defined benefit” concept to “defined contribution” concept. The attempt is to divert the mandatory social security contributions of the workers and employees to the speculative stock market. This is an ominous move to finally privatise the entire social security.

The danger of FDI entry in retail trade is very much imminent. Already different foreign trading companies are trying to find indirect ways and means to enter into retail trade sector through joint ventures or by proxy through supply agreement to apparently Indian entities. Entry of private traders including foreign giants in grain trading also has the potential of their intervention in the retail market as well.

Much euphoria is being created on the GDP growth rate of 8 per cent plus during the last two years. There is little to rejoice, as such growth remained a jobless one reflecting complete expropriation of the gains of growth by the big capitalists. The rate of employment generation during the so-called 8 per cent plus growth regime has fallen below the rate witnessed during the 1980s, when the average growth rate was around 4 to 5 per cent per annum. This growth rate could not suppress the crisis surfacing in all sectors of the economy manifested by the increasing spate of closures of units, widespread casualisation of workforce, increasing incidents of suicides by peasants - all pointing to the phenomenon of impoverishment of masses and galloping fortunes of handful of rich and affluent. This has proved beyond doubt that the neoliberal economic model pursued during the last 15 years has hastened the pace of transfer of wealth from millions of commoners to just a few in the capitalist camp. This transfer process has picked up greater momentum during the second phase of neoliberal reforms in the new millennium.

According to the UNDP report, India ranks 126 in the human development ranking of 177 countries. Yet, the Government contributes only 0.35% of GDP on health when India represents 17% of the world population. Against this percentage of population, India accounts for 23% of child- deaths all over the world, which in numerical term is 5 million per year; 20% of the maternal deaths, 68% of the leprosy cases, 30% of the tuberculosis cases (10th Plan document vol. II). Government contribution (Central and States together) for clean drinking water and sanitation is only 0.2% of the GDP. In our country, 30% of the total population is still illiterate and 50% of the school going children drop out before they reach class VIII. With such a pathetic record of human indices, the 11th plan Approach Paper claims that in India, ‘average people are benefited’ from reform.

Global poverty has declined marginally between 1990 and 2002. This marginal level of improvement is also owing to the contribution made by China, where millions of people have been lifted above the poverty level through an alternative path of development than the one suggested by the World Bank. The UN world Millennium Development Goals Report 2006 says that 31.2% of India’s working population lived, at par with Southern Asia, below 1 dollar wage a day in the year 2002. Rate of decline of poverty in China, according to the report was 19% against only 8.2% in India.

The number of unemployed grew more than three times in ten years - from 13.8 million in 1991 to 45.2 million in 2001 according to the census reports. Successive National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) reports reveal alarming picture about unemployment and poverty. All the economic indicators testify to the intensification of poverty and continuing widening of disparity. This renders the ongoing economic order unsustainable. As is elsewhere in the world, the policies of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation have completely failed to address the problems of poverty and joblessness in India. A fresh bout of crisis for the capitalist order itself is a consequent fallout of this. Despite tall claims, by the advocates of ‘reforms’ of ‘India emerging as big economic power’, strong disillusionment over these policies is witnessed among the mass of the people. United struggles of the working class have also contributed immensely to this development. The situation thus warrants further widening and intensification of struggle against these anti-people policies, rallying all sections of people in the same.

6. CHANGES IN BUSINESS STRUCTURE

Here we must also note the changes in business structure brought about by the neo-liberal economic order, where the international finance capital dominates the operation of the economy leading to a fast changing character of the market. These lead to certain drastic changes in the composition and structure of the industrial and service sectors of the economy, which make the situation more critical for the older industries, as well as the workforce in general. The changes are towards more fragility in production relations and regulatory framework of the industry/occupation. The consequential changes are taking various routes having critical implications on the workers and the quality of employment.

The overriding influence of the finance capital is also being witnessed in the type of business restructuring that is taking place in various industries. The production and marketing processes are segregated, with the production process being collapsed into several segments, enabling large-scale outsourcing down the line. The chain of production units, which employ more number of workers are under compulsion to sell the product to the marketing unit of the same establishment at a price much lower than the market price. This results in loss or less earning of the production units, while the profit of the marketing unit is zooming up. The majority of the workers deployed in the manufacturing units are being compelled to sacrifice their earnings and rights in the name of averting a crisis or collapse. Such dubious practices to extract maximum surplus from the productive workforce, and thus mint much higher profits, go on in the name of business process restructuring. As a result of this process, the producers and consumers are getting distanced with the producers losing out to those marketing the final products, who are making a big fortune. Consequently the workers also lose out the maximum. This trend is visible in several industries in the traditional sector like the tea industry and in many industries producing consumer durables. Added to this is the capacity of the international capital to introduce capital-intensive production processes downstream, leading to displacement of labour on a large-scale. The older industries, which have failed to modernise and continued with a large workforce lose their competitiveness and are edged out eventually. These trends vividly reveal how the finance capital engineers a crisis for the productive workforce despite their high contribution in value addition and thus profit generation. The new jobs are created only in the informal sector with very low wages and sub-standard service conditions. This is the barbaric face of capitalism under neo-liberalism, which we have to confront in India as well.

7. ATTACKS ON LABOUR RIGHTS

Since the onset of the neoliberal policy regime, the onslaught on the working class has increased manifold. With the dawn of the new millennium, the ‘second generation’ measures of neoliberal policy regime have assumed a more structured fashion administratively, institutionally and ideologically. The entire exercise has been scrupulously designed by the international agencies. The main pillars of such second generation reforms have been total liberalisation of financial sector, complete overhauling of labour laws aimed at casualisation and contractorisation of the labour force, and complete liberalisation and deregulation of trade.

All the three pillars have their grave ramifications on the rights and livelihood of the working people. In particular, the exercise of deregulating the labour market through amendment of labour laws in favour of capital is directly affecting the working class.

Attack on labour right in the post liberalisation period is characterised by two features, one graduating to and overlapping with the other. First one is non-enforcement of labour laws. Post liberalisation, the non-enforcement of labour laws has rather been promoted as a matter of policy by those in governance at the Centre and also in many States on the plea of so called investment-friendliness. The inspection machinery has been dismantled in many States by official orders of the respective Governments. In some States, inspection has been forbidden through internal orders. The grievance settlement machinery of the labour department is also being tuned in that direction.

Gross violations of labour laws like the Minimum Wages Act, Payment of Wages Act, Industrial Disputes Act, Contract Labour (R&A) Act etc, have become the order of the day. Contract Labour (Regulation & Abolition) Act is the highest violated statute and the biggest violators are the Governments themselves.

Side by side with the dismantling of inspection mechanism, many of the Governments, both at the Centre and in several States, have introduced a system of self-certification by the employers on compliance of labour laws. This is a naïve attempt to legalise abetting the crime of non-enforcement of labour laws regarding wages, labour rights, health and safety etc by the employers. The NDA government, overlooking the objections by the trade unions, came out with a notification introducing a new category of ‘Fixed Term Employment Workman’ in the Industrial Standing Orders. This was designed to institutionalise casualisation of permanent work and to escape the obligations under the Contract Labour Act and ID Act. After change of Government at the centre, the Labour Minister assured on the floor of the in Parliament in 2004 to rescind notification; but the same has not yet been implemented. Now fixed term employment is being rampantly resorted to in various industries including in many PSUs. All these are nothing but legitimising the offence and rewarding the offenders in the capital’s camp.

The persisting menace of Government-abetted violation of labour laws is taking two dimensions. One is allowing non-implementation of basic labour laws and curbing trade union right to fight against the same. In general, more than fifty per cent of the workforce, covered by Minimum Wages Act are not getting wages anywhere near the statutory minimum wage in vogue in the respective states. This is the story almost everywhere, at Gurgaon and Faridabad in Haryana, at Firozabad and Moradabad in UP, at Ludhiana and Jullundhar in Punjab, at Baroda, Ahmedabad and Surat in Gujarat, at Talcher in Orissa, Ranchi and Bokaro in Jharkhand, Visakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh, only to name a few. In fact, overwhelming majority of the ongoing labour related disputes in our country relate to just implementation of existing labour laws pertaining to working hours, minimum wages, basic rights and nothing more. In such a background allowing self-certification by the employers on labour-law-compliance exposes only the criminal bent of mind of those in governance who grant the same.

The second dimension is of bringing about drastic changes in labour laws in order to legitimise and institutionalise the violations and non-enforcement of existing labour laws. On this the Government of India has already finalised the blue print of changes to be made in labour laws. The Report of the Second National Commission on Labour was designed as the vehicle for preparing this blue print. The Industrial Disputes and Contract Labour Acts have been the main target of this overhauling to usher in ‘hire & fire’ regime and contractorise the entire workforce. Trade Union Act has already been amended to make formation of trade union and its registration more difficult besides empowering the authority concerned to deregister any union at any time on flimsy grounds.

The aggravation of the process of informalisation and casualisation of workplace is another ominous symptom. During the last 3 – 4 years, deployment of contract workers side by side with the regular workers in the same job and under the same roof, has increased phenomenally both in private and public sectors. The contract worker is paid almost one-tenth of the wages being paid to the regular worker for doing the same work. This practice is indulged in by the administration almost everywhere in the country without any legislative sanction. Such deliberate violation of statute has now become a general phenomenon in private manufacturing everywhere. This is taking place even in many public sector units. Along with this, the incident of wholesale outsourcing of the entire production job to a number of contractors is proliferating. The attempt is to redefine the entire employment relationship at the workplace to inject more and more fragility – only to extract maximum possible surplus from the labour force.

Despite the National Common Minimum Programme of the UPA carrying a clear stipulation against the policy of ‘hire and fire’, the Economic Survey of 2005-06 advocated a ‘policy of entry and exit’ in respect of labour. A simultaneous move is initiated to change the labour laws in that direction. The Bill on Special Economic Zones introduced in Parliament contained provisions for giving exemptions in respect of various labour laws to the investors. Due to stout opposition of the trade union movement and the determined opposition by the members of Left political parties inside the Parliament, the Government was forced to withdraw such provisions.

In this context, the changing role of judiciary in favour of deregulating the labour market should be noted. This is not surprising because this has reaffirmed the time tested truth that the judiciary is one of the instruments of “State”; and that all the instruments of “State” ultimately converge in upholding the interest of the ruling class to perpetuate their class rule. Several judgments of the apex court concerning labour during the post liberalisation period are the testifying to this plain truth. We have discussed these developments in the Ranchi meeting of our General Council and in this Conference a separate Commission will deliberate this further.

Drastic change in the role of Government in the area of social security is another manifestation of this onslaught on labour rights. At present, only a miniscule section of the workforce in the organised sector are getting some social security benefit in the form of Employees’ Provident Fund, ESI, Pension etc. Now the Government is bent upon dismantling even these limited social security arrangements and withdraw itself from any responsibility in respect of these.

Successive reductions in the administered rate of interest have been pushing down the interest rate on Provident Fund and small savings instruments.

The successive governments have been indulging in shedding crocodile tears for the unorganised sector workers, but no beneficial social security scheme has been worked out as yet. The stark reality that over 93 per cent of workers in the country are deprived of any social security is ironically used to push through the curtailments of the existing benefits under the existing schemes.

While the spiralling price rise and inflation had seriously impacted the livelihood of the people, the government has been working overtime to manipulate the price index mechanism. Despite firm opposition by all the trade unions, the Labour Bureau, Shimla, has published the new series of price index with 2001 as the base year, which is nothing but a fraud on the workers. In the background of protest by all the trade unions, the Prime Minister had to agree for appointing an Index Review Committee with trade unions’ representation. But the new series is being continued, leading to huge loss to millions of workers in their DA payment.

All these measures are resorted only to carry out smoothly the design of neoliberalism, to which the ruling elite in the country is committed. This neoliberalism represents the most atrocious face of capitalism at the present stage. This represents a process of reversing the gains the working class had achieved over a century, facilitating the capitalist economic order to carry out its predatory offensives.

The ideologues of neoliberalism and the capitalist media preach that a regressive labour-right-regime will lead to more employment generation, or suppression of trade union activities will ensure greater investment flow in the economy. This is far from truth. Those who advocate such ideas either do not understand how the capitalism works or knowingly plead for this with a philistine desire to legitimise the unjust order. Unfortunately, a section of the progressive and trade union movement and even a part of the traditional Left is falling a prey to such ideological onslaught.

8. STRUGGLES

We are separately presenting a report on activities. Hence, we are not going into the various activities and struggles carried on in the States and sectors here. We are briefly commenting on certain important aspects of the struggles waged during this period.

The opposition to onslaughts of neoliberalism has been mounting worldwide. The developments worldwide have been reasserting the truth that class struggle is the driving force for change and that struggle will advance through many ups and downs, defying all repressions. The intervening period since the last Conference witnessed numerous struggles at the grass root level throughout the country with workers braving the atrocities by administration. Most of these struggles related to implementation of labour laws and nothing else. Thus the policy of promoting labour law violation by the Govt. as a part of their so-called strategy of investor-appeasement nowhere went unchallenged and the CITU always remained in the forefront of such combat. The call given by the CITU in its successive General Council and Working Committee meetings to bring forth the issue of ‘state-sponsored violation of labour laws’ to the focus of all activities could be implemented to a greater extent through these struggles.

This is borne out by the fact that in the meeting of Central Trade Unions with the Prime Minister held on 19th August 2006, all the central trade unions raised this issue in one voice and the Prime Minister also had to acknowledge the same and assured that the matter would be taken up with the State Governments. This was followed by intervention by the MPs of the Left parties in Parliament on the issue of attack on labour rights and rampant violation of labour laws. Many MPs of non-Left parties also joined in this. The Union Labour Minister had to call meetings with the Central Trade Unions along with Labour Ministers of the State Governments on the issue of labour law violations where governments had to admit the reality of improper implementation of labour laws and commit for corrective action. The issue of attack on labour rights, in the background of desperate violation of labour laws, could be made a common issue of concern before the entire trade union movement. In this process, despite strong opposition by the employers’ organisations and hesitation of the Government, the issue of “strengthening implementation of labour laws to prevent violation” has been included in the agenda of the forthcoming 41st Indian Labour Conference to be held in early 2007.

The intervening period also witnessed three countrywide general strikes on 24th February 2004, 29th September 2005 and 14th December 2006. Each of these general strikes demonstrated a bigger sweep covering wider section of the toiling masses and all the sectors than the previous one. In all these countrywide united actions, CITU had taken pioneering initiative.

There have been many industry wide actions during the period under review. Notable among them has been the coal workers’ struggles and agitations culminating in calls for strike action of three days and six days, preceded by intensive preparatory campaign, which finally compelled the Government to shift from its position and concede the demands of the workers for wage revision with five-year tenure with full neutralisation. The struggle against privatisation of airports in Delhi and Mumbai witnessed active intervention by the CITU. The role of the CITU State Committees in organising solidarity actions is another notable episode of this struggle. Among other major struggles were the indefinite strike by the jute and tea workers in West Bengal, transport workers’ strike in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Haryana, State-level mobilisations and picketing in Kerala, iron ore mine workers’ struggle in Orissa, spinning-mill workers’ indefinite strike actions in two spells in Haryana etc.

Another notable event in this period was the anganwadi workers’ ten-day long- 24 hours dharna and relay hunger strike before Parliament in July 2006. In this, more than fifteen thousand anganwadi workers and helpers participated from all the States, demanding regularisation, increase in remunerations and introduction of retirement benefit. This has created much enthusiasm within the anganwadi workers’ movement and created visible pressure on the Government to set up a committee to go into the issues raised by our Federation.

The intervening period also witnessed some important united actions which compelled the Government to retreat from their privatisation move in the PSUs, although temporarily. The move to disinvest in Nalco and Neyveli Lignite has to be abandoned by the Govt. following indefinite strike action by the Neyveli workers and similar move by Nalco workers. A notable feature is that the initiative for such militant response against the move of disinvestments was taken by the grass root level organisations of workers and officers, indicating the extent of spontaneity and depth of opposition to disinvestment. There had been similar countrywide united actions in the banking and telecom sectors as well.

During the intervening period several struggles were organised jointly both at the national and industry levels. The CITU took pioneering role in organising such joint actions along with other central trade unions and independent federations.

The main thrust of these joint actions has been the resistance to the neoliberal economic policies and their fall out. At the preparatory level tremendous vacillations were noticed among some constituents of the joint platform of trade unions in deciding the form of struggles, culminating in strike action. Further, even in the joint campaign and agitation, participation of many of the constituent trade unions in the Sponsoring Committee remained formal or virtually nil in many of the States.

Shortcomings are also there in our campaign on the jointly decided programmes such as lack of initiative and failure on our part to approach and reach the followings of other unions in many of the States and industries. Our experience shows that our independent initiatives, side by side with the joint programmes, can create compelling circumstances for other unions to join the joint programmes more effectively.

The experiences of struggles in the intervening period has brought forth another important issue to focus. The employers-administration combine has subjected the migrant workers all over the country to tremendous repression. To put more appropriately, migrant workers from outside States constitute a major section of the industrial workers - particularly in the northern States - and they have been in the forefront of struggle against desperate labour law violation by the employers-administration caucus in those areas. The statutes on migrant workers are also being violated with impunity. At the same time, the vested interests are seeking to create antagonism by including the employers’ organisations in some places against these struggling migrant workers by way of spreading parochial sentiments. The trade union movement has to handle this situation cautiously and fight for proper implementation of migrant workers related statutes, while unifying the entire workforce in the struggle against the brutality of the employers’ class.

9. NATIONAL PLATFORM OF MASS ORGANISATIONS

We failed to activise the National Platform of Mass Organisations (NPMO) as planned in our last conference. There was resistance from some of the constituents of the Sponsoring Committee to activise NPMO. Nonetheless, in successive sessions of the General Council and Working Committee the CITU conceived the idea of organising joint activities and mobilisations along with the mass organisations, associated with and friendly to us, on the burning issues of the people. This also could not be given effect to and as such we failed to sense the priority of such initiative. Planning concerted actions along with our friendly and associate mass organisations did not find its due place in our agenda both at the CITU Centre and in the States, barring one or two. This reflects the weakness of our understanding regarding the importance and potential of a platform like the NPMO. This also manifests a formal and ritualistic approach towards our prime task of rallying the mass of the people from all walks of life around the working class and building a powerful movement against the exploitative regime. We have to overcome this serious weakness in the days to come.

10. WORK IN THE UNORGANISED SECTOR

We have already noted that the organised sector has been shrinking and the unorganised sector has been expanding in the era of neo liberal policies. According to the Economic Survey, 2004-2005, around 92-93% of the total workforce in our country is engaged in the unorganised sector. The organised sector’s share in employment has fallen from 9 per cent in 1981 to 7-8 per cent in 2004.

Our work among the unorganised sector workers has improved to some extent and today, the unorganised sector workers constitute more than half the total membership of CITU. The participation of the unorganised sector workers in various campaigns and struggles of CITU, including strike actions, have increased. In several States like Karnataka, Haryana, Bihar etc, membership of CITU from unorganised sector constitutes around 70% to 80% or even more. Unorganised sector workers have played an important role in organising road blocks and rail blocks during all India strikes, which helped in the visibility of the strike actions. Strike by workers in mandis, head load workers, auto drivers etc created much impact at the time of such strikes.

During the period under review, efforts have been made to reactivate our work among the unorganised sector. The second national convention of the Unorganised Sector Workers Coordination Committee was organised on 3-4 October 2005 in Ferozabad in Uttar Pradesh. 345 delegates from 17 States participated in the Convention. A new coordination committee was formed in the Convention with PK Ganguly as the Convener. A sub committee consisting of PK Ganguly, WR Varada Rajan, Ranjit Basu and Hemalata was formed at the CITU Centre to monitor the work of the All India Coordination Committee of Unorganised Sector Workers.

The Convention adopted a charter of demands, on which a massive rally of unorganised sector workers was organised on 8th December 2005 at Jantar Mantar in Delhi. A subsequent meeting of the Coordination Committee decided to organise all India campaign on the charter of demands, particularly focussing on equal wages, minimum wages and immediate enactment of a comprehensive legislation for unorganised sector workers, culminating with a countrywide strike in December 2006. However, it had to be deferred due to the all India strike call by the Sponsoring Committee of Trade Unions on 14th December, in which unorganised sector workers participated in large numbers. In some states like Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Tripura etc State level campaigns, jathas, rallies, etc were organised on the major demands of the unorganised sector workers with very good response, which indicates that workers in this sector are ready to fight for their rights, if we approach them with suitable forms of organisation and struggle.

Many struggles, including strikes were organised in brick-kiln, spinning mills, mandi-workers, beedi, construction, private transport, FCI-palledars, etc in several States.

In West Bengal, initiative has been taken by CITU to organise the vast section of unorganised sector workers working in various non-agricultural occupations in the rural areas, in cooperation with the Kisan Sabha. A joint meeting of the leadership of CITU and Kisan Sabha, followed by massive joint convention of the unorganised sector workers was organised.

Though we have been discussing our work among the unorganised sector workers repeatedly in the General Council & Working Committee meetings and Conferences, many of the tasks we have taken up remain unimplemented. Still in many States sub committee and coordination committee of the unorganised sector workers have not been formed.

To strengthen the work among the unorganised sector, it is necessary to identify the different sectors/ trades where large number of workers are employed, prioritise the sectors keeping in mind the available cadres and financial resources and work according to a proper plan. We have to overcome the weakness of reacting to spontaneous demands only. Giving priority to such industries/ sectors having State wide presence may help in expansion.

Conducting surveys and studies in the prioritised industries/ trades etc to identify the serious problems of the unorganised sector workers, and formulating concrete demands and organising state wide campaigns on these will give better results. The existing statutory welfare provisions, if any, (e.g. the welfare funds/ boards etc as in the case of beedi workers, construction workers etc) may also be utilised to approach the workers.

Besides, a large number of women workers are employed in the unorganised sector like in beedi, anganwadi, construction, etc. Allotting women CITU cadres for work among these women workers will yield better results.

As most of the unorganised sector workers come from socially oppressed sections and live in slums, where basic facilities are not available, it is also necessary for the unions and CITU to address their social issues, gender issues, literacy, residential problems etc, besides work-place issues, to gain their confidence. Intermediary forms of organisation like self-help groups, savings groups/ credit groups etc should also be considered to create confidence in the strength of unity among the workers in the unorganised sector. 11. WORKING WOMEN

The 8th Convention of AICCWW was held on 3-5 November 2006 in Visakhapatnam. 418 delegates from 16 States participated in the Convention. Bihar, Jammu & Kashmir, Jharkhand, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh were not represented. The Convenor’s report and the paper on ‘Working Women in the Unorganised Sector’ that were unanimously adopted are being circulated along with this Conference documents. The AICCWW with 45 members was reconstituted. A Declaration on CITU Tasks on the Working Women Front is placed before this Conference for adoption.

Many State Committees of CITU, particularly those in the Hindi speaking States, have either not formed coordination committees of working women or they are not functioning. Repeated decisions in the CITU Conferences, General Council and Working Committee meetings could not make any difference in the situation.

The replies to the questionnaire sent to the State Committees of CITU and the State CCWW before the 8th Convention of AICCWW indicate that there have been some efforts, in the States with functioning State CCWWs for forming women’s sub committees in the CITU affiliated unions. But most of these sub committees were not functioning. Proper functioning of the women’s sub committees helps in developing and training women activists of the unions in trade union work so that they can be promoted to leadership positions. All the State Committees of CITU should make effects to form such sub committees at the earliest.

Some CITU committees and unions are observing the International Women’s Day on 8th March, though the number continues to be nominal. Vimal Ranadive Memorial Day is being observed on 10th April every year by holding meetings, seminars, round table discussions etc, instead of a lecture. We may consider some other form of observing the day instead of organising lectures.

In general, the participation of women in the activities of CITU during this period has shown definite improvement in almost all the States. In several States women workers, have faced police repression and victimisation by the employers. The enthusiastic participation of anganwadi workers and helpers in large numbers during the unique programme of mass relay hunger strike organised in Delhi deserves special mention.

The proportion of women in the membership of CITU has also increased from around 20%, at the time of the last Conference, to more than 22.7% in 2005, as per the annual returns. In Karnataka it is more than 57%, while in Assam, Bihar and Himachal Pradesh it is around 45%.

It is also observed that several unions with large number of women members do not mention the number of women members in their annual returns, either intentionally or unintentionally, as a result of which the actual women membership is not reflected in the records. For example, some beedi workers’ unions and domestic workers’ unions show that all their members are men, which is definitely not the fact. The State Committees need to ensure that this practice is stopped.

In spite of some progress, on the whole, it cannot be claimed that proper attention is being paid to the work among working women. It is also debatable whether the increase in women membership in CITU is the result of conscious and planned efforts by the concerned State CCWWs. The increase in several States seems to be mostly because of the efforts in the unorganised sector including the anganwadi employees, beedi workers etc. While this indicates our weakness, it also points to the possibilities that exist today of bringing large number of workingwomen by making the CCWW functional.

Most of the tasks adopted in the 11th Conference of CITU to strengthen our work among working women remain unfulfilled or only partly fulfilled. The number of women in the office bearers and committees of CITU at different levels and the affiliated unions has considerably increased. The problem of not providing financial assistance to women for attending CITU or CCWW meetings still continues in some States. The resistance to elect women to the Conferences and including them in the committees also continues in different levels. Difficulties like meeting travel expenses, taking leave from their work etc are being cited. Giving a short notice for the meetings makes it difficult for women to make the necessary alternative arrangements for their domestic responsibilities. These issues need to be addressed.

Even after more than 27 years of the formation of AICCWW, we are yet to develop a unified understanding on its objectives, structure and functions. In some States, the CCWWs have women employees representing non-CITU unions like teachers, State Government employees etc. Some State CCWWs continue to have office bearers. The practice of naming the conventions as ‘Conferences’ and the Convenor as ‘Secretary’ might also have contributed to the confusion on the status of the CCWW to some extent. The impression that the CCWW is a forum of middle class women employees still persists among many of our comrades, even after the 10th Conference of CITU has dealt the issue in great detail in the Commission Paper on ‘Working Women – A Class Perspective’. At the same time, there is also a tendency among women members of CCWWs to function the CCWWs as organisations independent of the CITU. Both these tendencies have to be rectified.

12. FIGHT AGAINST COMMUNALISM

Our Eleventh Conference was held under the dark shadow of NDA rule. The NDA, an unprincipled and opportunistic coalition of disparate parties and groups, was only the façade; behind which it was the BJP, the political outfit of RSS, which was actually running the Government and pursuing with determination the communal-fascist ideology and policy of the RSS. The Gujarat genocide, perpetrated under the direct leadership of the Chief Minister Narendra Modi, was the high point of this aggressive communalism.

The Eleventh Conference called upon the working class and the trade unions to resolutely oppose the communal forces, which sought to divide the people on communal lines, and posed serious threat to unity and integrity of the nation. It gave a clarion call to the working class to be in the forefront of the struggle to defend the unity of the people, to carry forward resistance against communal fascism and safe guard secular principles.

With three years having elapsed since the Eleventh Conference, can we claim that the CITU itself had discharged its responsibility properly and adequately? No, we cannot. From the very inception the CITU has declared its resolve to fight communalism. We had adopted resolutions in our Foundation Conference and the subsequent Conferences and meetings of the General Council and the Working Committee of the CITU. We have discussed the matter in the commissions during our Conferences on two occasions. We also organised a special discussion in a General Council meeting and developed the strategy and tactics for struggle against communalism and communal forces. But we have largely failed to put these into practice.

However, the experience of several years of BJP rule itself ranged many sections of the people against this regime. Evidently the aggressive hindutva campaign and action of the sangh parivar did not pay them the expected dividend. Moreover, pursuit of the IMF-World Bank dictated policies of economic liberalisation, more vigorously than the Congress, further antagonised vast sections of the people. These factors, reinforced by the organised popular resistance movement, in which CITU played an important part, brought about the defeat of the BJP-led NDA.

While assessing the situation following the installation of the UPA regime, the General Council meeting at Nasik noted that the communal forces were down but not out. They were no doubt defeated at the political level, but not all who opposed them did so for their communal role. As stated, their economic policy also played an important role in alienating people from them. Their defeat was due to the play of complex forces; but the influence of communal ideology persists in the consciousness of large sections of the people even today. The communal outfits can convert this false consciousness to whip up communal tensions under favourable conditions. Therefore, the fight against communalism is as important today as it was three years back.

It is true that today the communal forces, the sangh parivar, are somewhat in disarray. They are yet to recover from the shock of electoral defeat. Various pushes and pulls are being witnessed within the sangh parivar itself. But as long as communal ideology lingers in the consciousness of people, there will always remain the possibility of its inevitable political crystallisation. It is only a question of time. The desperate efforts on the part of the sangh parivar are very much in evidence already.

Every day the BJP and other outfits of the sangh parivar are picking up one issue or another, which can be given a communal twist. They are using even the issue of terrorism for communal purposes. Be it the Kashmir issue or that of the death sentence to Afzal Guru, they try to communally vitiate the minds of the people against any process of normalisation of relations with Pakistan. They are up in arms against the Sachar Committee report, which has given an objective picture of the condition of Muslim minorities in the country. They constantly harp on a dubious theory of ‘appeasement’ and accuse the secular parties of practising ‘vote bank’ policies. The fact is the BJP seeks to step up its potential to disrupt communal harmony and unity of the people. Our entire organisation needs to undertake the task of combating communalism seriously not only at the political level, more importantly at the ideological level.

At the same time, we should also not lose sight of the fact that several Islamic fundamental outfits are trying to misguide minority community – particularly the youth – and seek to create tensions and conflicts is different parts of the country. This again is disrupting class unity and communal harmony.

The working class, because of its class position and its role in the production system is naturally the most effective force in fighting communalism and therefore it has the greatest potentiality to be at the forefront of the struggle against communalism. It is the task of the trade unions, of the CITU in particular, to ensure that the working class actually plays its due role.

Today, considerable sections of the working class and the middle class are more or less under the influence of the hindutva forces. To fight communalism, special steps are necessary for eradication of communal influence from the minds of the working class. This should be the foremost long-term task of the trade unions and for the CITU for that matter. It is not easy to eradicate ideas deep-rooted in human mind. This task has to be carried out as a part of the day-to-day trade union work. To be effective, the effort for secularising the workers must have to be blended with the class struggle of the working class.

Fight against terrorism is another important task before us. This fight is crucial for defending the democratic fabric of the society and strengthening the democratic path of struggle. We have to counter terrorism of all hues – one fanned by the religious fanatics and parochial forces and another camouflaged by so called leftwing extremism and ultimately playing in the hands of extreme rightist forces. We have noted as to how the communal forces play communal cards in the garb of so called anti-terrorism. We have also noticed how the terrorist outfits of various brands pose themselves as champions against exploitation and deprivation of the common people or a particular segment among them in support of their terrorist activities. In fact, terrorism seeks to flourish and sustain itself on resentment and anguish among the people owing to injustice, oppression, exploitation and deprivation let loose by the exploitative regime but finally acts in hampering and weakening the peoples’ struggle against exploitation, injustice and deprivation. The terrorist forces also play into the hands of imperialism and help the imperialist forces in their vulgar ploy of legitimising imperialist aggression in the garb of combating terrorism. The working class movement have to firmly oppose terrorism of all hues, campaign among the people to expose the damaging impact of terrorist path on the democratic movement which ultimately abets exploiters and imperialists.

The CITU must undertake these overdue tasks with due seriousness and urgency in the forthcoming period.

13. SOCIAL ISSUES

Yet another threat that looms large before the working class of India is the ever-increasing attempts by the casteist forces to divide the working people on caste lines, seeking to achieve political clout through caste appeals.

The present phase of disastrous pursuit of liberalisation-globalisation policies has only served to complicate the situation further. The jobless - rather job-loss - growth pattern has given rise to acute discontent among the youth, which the casteist forces are seeking to utilise for their own ends.

The UPA Government in its NCMP made a commitment for introducing job reservation in private sector. The employer-class has strongly come out against any reservation in private sector; instead they are talking of ‘affirmative action’, which is a vague concept.

We should take a positive view on the reservation issue. The provision for reservation (for education and jobs) is aimed at compensating the so-called lower castes for the centuries–long deprivation that they have undergone. These communities have suffered discrimination and been denied equal opportunities in the past. Hence, the reservations are a sort of compensatory discrimination in their favour. We must, therefore, resolutely counter the ‘anti-reservation’ moves, as they reflect the machinations of vested interests to maintain the status quo. We must come out strongly in favour of a legislation to ensure reservation for SC/ST and OBC communities in private sector.

Yet another feature of casteism is the resort to violence as a tool to sustain the caste domination and its practices of several forms of social oppression, which is the most pernicious manifestation of casteism. The worst forms of untouchablity practiced against the Scheduled Castes, which is among the lowest rung in the caste order, is the most cruel and flagrant violation of human rights. We must resolutely raise our voice against social oppression.

Sachar Committee’s report depicts the sorry state of affairs on employment front for the minority muslim community. Similar is the situation with other minorities. Suitable space has to be provided for them to ensure that the development process is inclusive.

Women in India have been the worst victims of both the communal and economic offensives. Atrocities and discrimination against women have increased alarmingly. Sexual abuse and vulgar commercialisation of women, as part of fast spreading consumerist culture, have all added to their agonies. The women workers face job losses, suffer inequality in wages and service conditions and work in most unsafe environments. The working class must take up the issues of women’s empowerment and fight against the manifold oppression and atrocities they are subjected to. We have also to continue our fight for realising the long pending demand for 33 per cent reservation for women in all legislative bodies.

It is, therefore, necessary for us in the CITU to address these social issues, apart from addressing the economic issues of the working class.

14. TRADE UNION EDUCATION

Intensive trade union education has always been recognised as an important means to strengthen the trade union organisation and movement. The Bhubaneswar document laid great emphasis on education and training of cadres. The document also noted that in the context of the growing ideological offensive of world capitalism, trade union education assumed greater importance. But in subsequent reviews it has been revealed that our performance in this regard is poor. The largest share of failure is, of course, on the part of the CITU Centre itself. Only in the recent years, the CITU Centre has made some serious efforts to organise a regular programme of trade union education. Comrade BTR’s birth centenary year was chosen to start the process. Three central trade union schools were organised. One at Thiruvananthapuram for the southern region, was conducted in English. The Hindi region school was held at Delhi and was conducted in Hindi. The Eastern regional school, held in Kolkata, was conducted in Bengali. The subjects were: (1) Revolutionary trade unionism and reformist trade unionism (2) Communalism and Casteism (3) Present day capitalism and New Economic Policies (4) Organisation (5) Present situation and our tasks.

This was the first attempt by the CITU Centre to organise a central trade union school. Due to lack of adequate preparation and other shortcomings, the schools did not attain the desired success and drew some criticism from the comrades who attended. But it was hailed as a good beginning and there was a demand that the effort should continue.

The CITU has the proud privilege of founding a permanent trade union school and a research centre in memory of our founder General Secretary late Comrade P. Ramamurti. Attempt is on to get a plot of land for a building to house the school. Collection of fund for the purpose is also in progress. However, it was later decided to start trade union classes early under the auspices of the school instead of waiting for the building to come up. Accordingly it was planned to start another series of central trade union classes in the three regions. Already three-day trade union classes have been held for the Hindi region at the CITU Centre. Drawing on the earlier experience, this time the classes were much better organised and conducted in all respects and the participants expressed satisfaction.

Due to elections and other important programmes, it has not been possible to organise classes in the other two regions. It may reasonably be expected that it will be possible to organise classes for the remaining regions soon after this Conference.

It is heartening that some State Committees have, from time to time, to organised classes for the State, district or union level cadres. The CITU Centre has provided teachers’ whenever required. While it is the responsibility of the CITU Centre to conduct classes at central level, it is equally the responsibility of the State Committees to organise classes at other levels. While some State Committees are discharging this responsibility, many are defaulting in this important task. The sooner such State Committees become conscious of this responsibility, the better. The CITU Centre will always be ready to assist them.

It was also conceived by the CITU Working Committee meeting at Bhopal and subsequently decided by the General Council in its last meeting held at Ranchi in July 2006 that our initiative for the P Ramamurti Memorial Trade Union School should also associate our fraternal trade union movements viz. Banks, Insurance, State and Central Govt Employees, Telecom etc. in setting up and running the school. Governing Council will be constituted with the representatives of the fraternal trade union organisations. Meanwhile, we are pursuing our quest for securing a plot of land. What is not progressing much is the collections for the P Ramamurti Memorial Fund and many State Committees are in default in fulfilling their quota. The State Committees should take expeditious steps to fulfil their quota of contributions for this fund, detailed information in respect of which is furnished separately.

15. COMRADE P RAMAMURTI CENTENARY

The birth centenary year of our Founder General Secretary Comrade P. Ramamurti begins on September 20, 2007.

The life of Com. P R, as he was affectionately called, is one of incessant struggle, full of sacrifices, incarceration and imprisonment, a life of confrontation not only with the ruling classes but also with the anti-democratic and feudal traditions.

Comrade P R was a man of exceptional quality and ability, He was a mass leader, builder of the trade union movement, powerful mass speaker and a brilliant parliamentarian, effective journalist, writer of agitational pamphlets and polemical ideological documents, able organiser and educator.

Paying his tributes to ‘The Indomitable P R’, Com. B T Ranadive recounted his contribution in the following words; “When the CITU was formed in 1970, PR was the obvious choice for the strategic and leading post of the General Secretary. His ripe experience, his all India prestige as a trade union leader and leader of the CPI(M) were bound to be helpful to the organisation. And they did help in rapidly spreading the appeal of CITU and enabling it to emerge as a leading centre of the trade union movement. He was quick to understand the trend of discussions at the foundation conference of the CITU. The delegates were bursting with anger at the reformist leadership of Dange and others. There was danger that the new organisation would lose its bearings and embroil itself only in disputes and wordy battles with the AITUC. PR proposed that within a month of the inaugural session, the unions and State Committees should undertake a week’s campaign for trade union unity. This was done and the organisation was set on correct rails” .

We must decide at this Conference to observe the centenary year of Com. P Ramamurti by way of organising seminars, memorial lectures, bringing out publications, organising trade union classes and many other ways. The CITU Secretariat will chalk out a comprehensive plan in this regard immediately after this Conference.

16. ON ORGANISATION

Organisation continues to be a major concern for us. There has been some improvement but it is hardly more than marginal and uneven in coverage.

Membership is an important index of health and strength of an organisation. We have not reached our target of 40 lakhs membership even today though the target was fixed in the 10th Conference, to be reached before the 11th Conference. Though the membership is below the target, the membership for 2005 is close to the target: from 33,31,474 in 2003 it has increased to nearly 39 lakhs, an increase of about 5 lakhs during the three years since the Eleventh Conference. But this figure conceals a number of serious shortcomings. Four States, Gujarat, Goa, Madhya Pradesh and J&K reported no new affiliation and membership. Of the total membership of around 39 lakhs, West Bengal and Kerala together account for 24 lakhs, with the share of all other states remaining 15 lakhs. Tamil Nadu an Andhra Pradesh showed a membership of around 3 lakhs each; Karnataka accounts for around 119000; Tripura has around 134000; all other States have below 1 lakh membership only. The scenario is certainly not very encouraging.

We have noted that Hindi speaking States have to work in difficult conditions and their weaknesses are persisting. The CITU Centre has been regularly organising meetings of leadership of Hindi speaking States, to guide and help them in organisational consolidation. In consultation with the leadership of the Hindi speaking States, a detailed questionnaire outlining the organisational tasks was prepared, based on which the concerned State Committees were to discuss and chalk out their plan for organisational advance. Very few State Committees responded to the same in a structured manner, thereby reflecting the very unorganised and directionless state of thinking in the matter of organisation. This is getting reflected in the stagnation and decline in some areas.

In this connection, one aspect should be taken note of. Since the last conference, the activities of CITU, in both nationwide programmes and State level movements, have increased considerably. There have been numerous movements and struggles covering all the States, including the weaker ones. Unfortunately, such successful actions could not always be converted into our organisational strength. For example, the successful continuous strike action by around 20,000 spinning mill workers of Panipat in Haryana in two spells in 2004 and 2006, singularly under the leadership of CITU, compelled the employers and the State administration to concede some of the major demands. But only a small segment of these workers could be enrolled in the CITU union. Similar instances can be cited elsewhere as well. The root of this failure lies in our inability to handle the struggles with a proper organisational approach, ineffective organisational machinery and lack of consciousness to address the post-struggle organisational tasks. The Bhubaneswar document has specifically laid down the guidelines to handle such tasks but we failed to keep them in view, not to speak of putting into practice.

Our industry-level federations are also important instruments of struggles and expansion. The functioning of our federations also requires a lot of improvement, if they are to discharge their organisational tasks effectively. The CITU leads ten such federations in coal, steel, construction, road transport, plantation, water-front, anganwadi, electricity, beedi, FCI, medical representatives etc, besides having a leading role in the federations of petroleum and defence-production. Besides, we have coordination committees in many industries, having its units all over the country. Most of the federations, barring one or two, remained functional during the intervening period and in certain sectors such as coal, steel, anganwadi, petroleum, road transport, construction, medical representatives and electricity our federations took initiative to build up all India campaigns and struggles. In other sectors, though many struggles were organised at the State level, the role of all India federations in building up an all India movement with common demands was not that visible. Such weakness resulted in our failure to expand our influence and membership in the concerned industries in the weaker states. Yet another weakness of most of the federations is the failure to develop an effective functional team of all India leadership.

17. ORGANISATION: CERTAIN ISSUES OF CONCERN

The present organisational profile of CITU in the background of fast changes in the composition and character of the industrial economy is becoming a matter of concern.

The unevenness in the organisational situation is one of the major problem. Unevenness persists not only between the States, but also between the industries, within the industry and also within the State.

Beyond our traditional stronghold States, our presence in the organised sector, particularly in major industries, is minimal in other States. Side by side, we could yet reach only a very small segment of the vast unorganised sector workforce even in those States, where we have little presence in the major organised sector industries. There is no such State where we are very weak in organised sector but decisively strong in unorganised sector. Our weakness in organising the major section of the unorganised sector workers is very much prevalent in our stronghold States also.

CHANGES IN COMPOSITION

Further, trade union presence in the industrial units and establishments that have come up in the organised sector, particularly in the post liberalisation period, is yet to be visible.

We are thus faced with a peculiar situation. One, under neoliberal policy regime, organised sector is shrinking fast and within the organised sector a big section of workforce is developing with the service conditions similar to that of unorganised sector through the process of contractorisation and outsourcing. Micro, tiny or very small manufacturing units are employing this new section of unorganised sector workers, which operate within the boundary of organised sector framework and are dependent on the bigger organised sector units. In this situation our already weak position in the organised sector is getting further weakened owing to our failure to organise this unorganised workforce operating within the organised sector industries.

The unorganised sector is expanding fast and it is no longer confined to manual and low skill occupations. Highly mechanised production processes and skilled occupations are also coming within this unorganised sector framework. Simultaneously, owing to technological advance and also crisis in agriculture, agricultural employment is declining and a new section of non-agricultural workforce is emerging in miscellaneous occupations in the rural areas. This can become a potential force in the trade union movement, if organised. But our work in the unorganised sector remained mostly limited to a very small segment of the traditionally unorganised sector. Even in the traditionally unorganised sector occupations, we could reach out to only a small segment both in terms of workers and type of occupations/trades.

18. PERSPECTIVE FOR ORGANISATIONAL INITIATIVE

The expansion of CITU activities has to be planned in the backdrop of above scenario. We have to consolidate our position in the organised sector with a well thought-out programme of organising the unorganised segment in the organised sector itself. This is crucial as the organised sector can wield the striking power effectively both on the capitalists and the Government and it includes all the strategically important industries for the national economy. Our work in organised sector must have a two pronged initiative—1) organising the unorganised sector workers viz., contract workers and ancillary workers operating within the organised sector and 2) reaching the newly emerging units in the organised sector itself. The trade union movement in the organised sector has to take this two-pronged initiative by identifying the area of priorities and equipping itself for the task, especially for organising the new generation workers of the units that have emerged in the post liberalisation period. Organising the contract and other workers within the organised sector must be conceived as an integral part of the task of consolidating our strength.

Organising the unorganised sector workers must also be taken up with all seriousness. Expanding our work in the vast unorganised sector also requires identification of priorities and orienting our organisational initiative in that direction. The CITU General Council in this regard has already formulated our perspective in 1998 at Chennai and the last convention of the All India Coordination Committee of Unorganised sector Workers held at Firozabad in 2005 has reiterated the same. Our grass root level organisational initiative should focus on vigorous drive to develop occupation/trade based unions of unorganised sector workers and to develop movement on the basic issues relating to each sector. The task is easier said than done since the unorganised sector is immensely heterogeneous. Only in some cases, employers are identifiable and in most other cases not. For major section of the unorganised sector occupations, we have to target the administration either at the State or district level. Our grass root level work in unorganised sector has to take serious note of this heterogeneity and devise appropriate strategy. The organised sector trade union movement must play a pro-active supportive role in this regard with human and financial resources. Keeping the unorganised sector workers outside the purview of trade unions, the organised sector movement cannot advance beyond a limit. The working class movement will also not be able to play its destined role in discharging its socio-political responsibility.

We need to combine our vigorous workplace level initiative to organise the unorganised sector workers with national level initiative to champion their common demands for legislative protection and bringing them under coverage of various labour legislations. While the government roots for changing the labour laws in favour of the employers, the trade union movement should make concrete alternative proposals for universal application of all labour laws. We must also demand a comprehensive social security net for all workers, including self-employeds, besides pressing for pro-worker changes in all the concerned statutes.

Our organisational initiative has to address the twin complementary tasks of consolidating our strength in the organised sector and expanding fast in the vast unorganised sector. Intensive activities at the grass root level in the direction outlined above is the need of the hour and for that we have to strive vigorously in developing ideologically and organisationally equipped cadres from among the workers. The CITU document on “ Cadre Development and Trade Union Movement” has already set the guideline in that direction.

19. TRADE UNIONS AND NGOS

Many Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) are of late very active, particularly in the unorganised sector in various forms. They are also operating in many areas in the organised sector, particularly on issues like safety, environment, pollution etc. Some of them are doing good work in various fields, particularly conducting research studies and bringing out good publications, which may be used by the trade union movement as important inputs to formulate appropriate organisational strategies. But many of them, in the name of advocacy, seek to replace the trade unions in the concerned field. In many instances, the government agencies and other connected institutions consciously encourage them. The NGOs deliberately create confusion amongst trade union cadres as if they are acting in concert with the trade unions in the concerned area of activities. These NGOs usually get heavy foreign funding from different sources and their source of funding also depends on as to how many trade unions they could associate with their activities.

19.2 The Government, media, and even the ILO are trying to create a wrong impression that the trade unions are neglecting the workers in the unorganised sector and only the NGOs are working among them. This is nothing but a ploy to malign the trade unions and wean the workers away from their influence. We have to counter such malicious campaign against the trade union movement. Trade unions are organisations of workers and accountable to them. The NGOs, on the other hand, are not membership-based organisations of workers and hence not accountable to them; they are accountable only to their donors. The NGOs cannot, therefore, replace the trade unions.

An NGO, however good it may be, is not a class organisation; nor its programmes envisage confrontation or conflict with the capitalist class. The ruling class and the Governments are making conscious efforts to give the NGOs a larger space than for the trade unions and sometimes replace the trade unions by the NGOs. This has now become an international phenomenon. This is advantageous for the ruling class since the advocacy process by NGOs remains confined to reconciliation with the capitalist system; it never questions or challenges the efficacy of the capitalist system as such.

The trade union movement is an instrument of class struggle and thus the TUs have to defend as well as expand their space within the working class to carry on and sharpen the struggle as their prime task. Thus, we must have a clear approach towards the activities and our relationship with the NGOs. We must also note that many a times trade unions’ weakness and failure to work with continuity among - and effectively intervene on the issues of - the unorganised sector workers allow the NGOs to occupy a larger space among them. We have to over come this weakness. At the same time, we have to make cautious judgment of the activities of the NGOs. We cannot allow ourselves to be dependent on them or driven by their agenda, nor should we allow the NGOs to usurp the role of trade unions.

20. THE TASK AHEAD

Comrades, the present situation facing us poses formidable challenges but it offers tremendous opportunity as well. The neo-liberal economic model is incapable of offering even a minimum solace to the mass of the people, facing a profound crisis in their lives. The economy has never before witnessed this perverse development of increasing growth rate in GDP being accompanied by unmitigated sufferings of the people. This is reflected in the increasing protests from all corners of the country and from all segments of the population. The working class movement, as the most organised segment of the common populace, has to convert this rising disillusionment against the neoliberal policies into countrywide organised struggle for change in the policy regime.

The political scenario facing us is of a complex character. The ruling polity is not strong enough to retain itself in power on its own and thus cannot pursue their anti-people policies without hurdles. But in the face of opposition to their policies by the working class and democratic movement, the ruling polity is becoming increasingly desperate to push through their neoliberal agenda at any cost. They are focusing on curbing labour rights, both through administration and legislative channels, as they perceive the working class movement to be the most potential threat and obstacle in their path. In this backdrop, the country has witnessed bitter struggles by the working people in defence of labour rights and against aggressive violation of all labour laws by the employer-class, with the help of the State administration.

In this background, the concerted intervention by the working class movement against the anti-people policy regime is of crucial importance. It has the potential to turn the events and force the ruling class to make a retreat. In fact, the dependence of the present ruling combine at the Centre on the Left parties signals the weakening of the grip of ideology of the ruling class on the people. The working class movement has mad a formidable contribution to this phenomenon. The working class movement must take vigorous initiative to mobilise all sections of the people in the resistance struggle against the retrograde economic policies. In the process, it can pave the way for developing the objective conditions for emergence of the third force with a common pro-people policy approach and a clear anti-imperialist content. The CITU has to take initiative in rallying the entire working class movement in that direction.

With this task before us, the CITU must prepare itself organisationally to develop and lead a broad-based peoples’ movement and ensure broadest mobilisation of people countrywide. Our immediate task is to build up joint activities and mobilisations along with like-minded unions and mass organisations of our own stream, to create objective conditions for the re-emergence of the NPMO. This initiative must continue side by side with other joint action programmes on the trade union front.

This initiative should be unleashed at the grass-root level as well. Our State Committees, district committees and enterprise level unions have to make conscious efforts to rally other sections of the people and their mass organisations in the struggle ahead. Our experience is that wherever serious efforts are made, the trade union movement could effectively enlist active support of the peasantry, students, youth etc in the common struggle.

We must set our own house in order, strengthen and consolidate our organisation at all levels, to be able to rally others. Without a strong CITU, there cannot be an effective united trade union struggle, nor a broader people’s action is possible. We must realise this potential of ours in unleashing powerful mass actions and make serious drive to take the CITU organisation to further heights in order to meet the forthcoming challenges.

A bigger struggle awaits us. Anti-privatisation struggle has already gained momentum with the action programmes unleashed by the workers of NALCO, Neyvelli Lignite and NMDC, with a loud and clear message that ‘privatisation drive shall not pass”. The massive success of the General Strike of 14th December is a pointer to the readiness of the people to resist forcefully the neoliberal policies.

With this perspective, this 12th CONFERENCE of CITU should formulate its immediate tasks as under:

* Wage a sustained and relentless struggle to reverse the neo-liberal economic policies.
* Carry forward the fight against the dangers of communalism and terrorism.
* Make the demand for “Right to Work as fundamental right” a central slogan in all our campaigns and struggle against the neoliberal economic polices.
* Intensify and widen solidarity actions in support of bitter struggles going on at various parts of the country against repression and onslaught on labour rights and violation of labour laws.
* Demand for implementation of labour laws and resistance against violations to be taken up as the central issue of the trade union campaign and actions countrywide.
* Intensify campaign on immediate enactment of comprehensive and separate legislations for unorganised sector workers and agricultural workers.
* Intensify activities among unorganised sector workers to focus on immediate legislation statutory coverage and enforcement of Minimum Wages Act and ‘equal pay for men and women workers’.
* Mainstream the emerging struggles of the workers and employees in various sectors and industries.
* Integrate the struggles of organised and unorganised sector workers. Unions of organised sector workers must take initiative in raising the issues of unorganised sector workers.
* Organise campaigns and struggles against attacks on existing social security benefits and fight for comprehensive social security for all.
* Intervene to ensure proper implementation of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and campaign for its extension to the whole of the country and for including urban households as well.
* Make serious efforts to revitalise the Sponsoring Committee of Trade Unions and the National Platform of Mass Organisations to launch massive mobilisations throughout the country.
* Strive to achieve the target of 50-lakh membership at the earliest, through consistent and vigorous membership drive.
* Establish the P. Ramamurti Institute of Trade Union Education and Research in the near future.
* Organise trade union education at regular intervals as an integral part of the CITU activities at all levels of organisation.
* Organise intensive and structured discussion on the document on “ Cadre Development and Trade Union Movement” finalised by CITU Working Committee meeting held at Bhopal in last December 2005 at all levels of organisation.

We must take up these tasks with all seriousness to effectively enable ourselves to play our destined role. Our independent initiative must be heightened considerably to create ground for broader and meaningful unity of the toiling people in the struggle against the exploitative system.

The opposition to onslaughts of neoliberalism has been mounting worldwide. The worldwide resistance movements are reasserting the truth that class struggle is the driving force for change and that struggle will advance through many ups and downs, defying all repressions and attempts at unprincipled compromises.

The inhuman face of the present capitalist order - the imperialist globalisation – stands thoroughly exposed. It can in no way be camouflaged by any talk of giving it a human face. History will move in the direction it is destined to, and its driving force – the class struggle - will grow in strength and spread, transcending the roadblocks that the ruling classes may attempt to place in its path. The working class must imbibe this dynamics of socio-economic development and direct its energy towards replacing this inhuman social order, defeating all adversaries and those who advocate capitulation and compromise.

We must have confidence in the ultimate triumph of the people all over the world. Nuclear weapons and militarism will not be allowed to exercise hegemony over the world! It is the people who will decide their own destiny!

Let all the unions of the CITU rise to the occasion in achieving these objectives! Shed all lethargy wherever it exists; streamline our organisation so that we can emerge victorious!

* Long live the unity of working class and the toiling people in the struggle to defeat the policies of globalisation!
* Down with imperialist machinations to subjugate the world!
* Long live the struggle to achieve Socialism!
* Long live CITU!
* Workers of the World Unite!

Chittabrata Majumdar
General Secretary

Addendum
DEBATE ON GENERAL SECRETARY’S REPORT

SUMMING UP
Chittabrata Majumdar

Fifty-one comrades took part in the deliberate on General Secretary’s Report and made many constructive criticisms and suggestions. Various shortcomings and weaknesses have been pointed out by the comrades at various level of organisation including the CITU Centre in building up appropriate response to the various crucial developments in the intervening period, in addressing the issues and problems facing the working class movement, in building up struggles and mobilizations, and in organisational activities. As for example, CITU Centre’s failure to respond to Nithari killings in UP, inadequate emphasis on women’s reservation issue, failure to activise the NPMO, failure to maintain continuity in our initiative on “right to work” movement etc have been pointed out. But concrete suggestions for action to overcome those shortcomings did not come up much in the deliberations. Nevertheless, most of those are valid criticisms and we have to overcome those shortcomings in the days to come through conscious organisational effort at all level.

CONSTRUCTIVE DELIBERATION

But amidst all criticisms and pointers, certain important points must not escape our attention. The deliberations in the conference broadly endorsed the political-organisational formulations and the basic direction of our activities outlined in the General Secretary’s report; rather strengthened the formulations on many counts. Secondly, criticisms basically reflected the concerns among the comrades over making the intervention by the working class movement more effective on all political, economic and social developments and CITU’s frontline role in the same, to be in tune with the historic responsibility of the working class to mobilise entire people in the struggle against exploitation and injustice. We must welcome such expression of concern at all levels of organisation which, as such, is reflective of a constant urge for more effectiveness in all our activities. And this urge must constantly drive us in overcoming our weaknesses and shortcomings.

COMBATING THE ONSLAUGHTS

Many comrades raised the issue of continuing repression and atrocities on the trade unions with active patronage of the Govt and rightly pointed out that such repression and onslaught cannot be combated merely within the confines of the trade union movement. Some comrades suggested that the situation warrants more effective intervention at the political level to prevent demoralisation. But to make such intervention at the political level effective and deliver some results at least, the struggle against repression must take the character of a broader peoples’ mobilisation and cannot remain confined within just the periphery of workplace. Widespread solidarity action has to be organised to combat such repression. Wherever we could organise such solidarity actions involving mass of the people we have been able to confront and tackle the situation more effectively. Our recent experiences of struggle against repression in Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Karnataka, Punjab and UP etc corroborate such understanding. Political intervention, if it means taking up the issue at the ministerial level or raising the matter in Parliament, may deliver some result only when it is backed by militant and widespread solidarity mobilisations at least at the State level, which can generate some pressure on the administration. Nevertheless, these struggles, whether they could finally succeed or not, contributed immensely in brightening the fighting image of CITU among the workers in the States and what is required in this context is our conscious follow up effort to consolidate the same in terms of concrete organisation. We must admit, we have serious lacunae in this regard.

We must note that the ongoing attacks on labour rights and repression on the trade union movement under the neoliberal economic policy framework are being promoted by the Govt. as a matter of policy drive. When the Economic Survey (2005-06) published by the Govt. of India makes such formulation that the States in which labour administration is more protective to labour lose out in employment generating investments, it becomes clear that the Governance itself seeks to indulge in violation of all basic labour rights on the plea of so called investment friendliness. Such formulation exposes the evil design of most of the Govt.s in the matter of basic labour rights and we have to fight the battle both at political and workplace level in an integrated manner, giving more thrust on organising more and more solidarity mobilisations and expanding linkage with the peoples’ movement.

PRICE RISE – THE REAL FACE

It has been rightly pointed out that the phenomenon of continuing price rise has not been adequately analysed in the Report. Although the Report dealt with the issue, what is lacking is the emphasis it deserves. This aspect affects the entire populace and the trade union movement must campaign and build united struggle against the menacing price rise exposing the anti-people character of the economic policy framework. It is by no way the inflation sparked by a growing economy as being shamelessly argued by the Finance Minister to befool the people; it is the resulte of conscious policy-drive by the Govt. Working class intervention on the issue of price rise must also expose this evil design of the kulak and corporate friendly Govt. in fuelling the prices while building up united peoples’ agitation against such policies.

FIGHTING TERRORISM

It has also been pointed out that the Report while dealing exhaustively on the danger of communalism and the attendant tasks of the TU movement, ignored the problems of terrorist activities. This is a right criticism. The issue has been missed owing to inadvertence. Fight against terrorism is another important task before us and this is crucial for defending the democratic fabric of the society and strengthening the democratic path of struggle. We have to counter terrorism of all hues – one fanned by the religious fanatics and parochial forces and another camouflaged by so called leftwing extremism and ultimately playing in the hands of extreme rightist and reactionary forces. We have noted as to how the communal forces play communal cards in the garb of so called anti-terrorism. We have also noticed how the terrorist outfits of various brands pose themselves as champions against exploitation and deprivation of the common people or a particular segment among them in support of their terrorist activities. In fact terrorism seeks to flare and sustain itself on resentment and anguish among the people owing to injustice, oppression, exploitation and deprivation let loose by the exploitative regime but finally acts in hurdling and weakening the peoples’ struggle against the exploitation, injustice and deprivation. The terrorist forces also play in the hands of imperialism and help the imperialist forces in their vulgar ploy of legitimising imperialist aggression in the garb of combating terrorism. The working class movement has to firmly oppose terrorism of all hues, campaign among the people to expose the damaging impact of terrorist path on the democratic movement which ultimately abets exploiters and imperialists.

UNORGANISED SECTOR – THE REAL CHALLENGE!

Some comrades, while dealing on the issues of unorganised sector counterposed the problem to our over-involvement with organised sector. It must be understood that the matter is not one of organized sector versus unorganized sector, as we sometime pose by mistake. The Report has dealt on this aspect in detail and formulated the tasks for both the sectors. Is their a single case of a State, where we could not make much headway in the organised sector but are in a dominant position in the unorganised sector either in terms of membership or in terms of our intervening capacity? I think none. We may rather find some states, where we are reasonably strong in the organised sector but take very little initiative for organizing the unorganised sector workers. What does this observation suggest? As the report has already pointed out in concrete terms, we have to make headway in the organized sector and we can ignore this task only at our peril since struggle by the workers of all the strategic industries and establishments like transport, mining, telecommunication, energy including coal, electricity and petroleum etc have the potential of shaking the ruling class. At the same time we have to expand ourselves in the unorganised sector with vigorous effort since this sector employs the overwhelming majority of the workforce in the country. And again, the entire unorganised sector is not a homogeneous entity and we have to draw segment and occupation specific strategy to organise various segments of unorganised sector workers. On this also the Report has dealt in required details. Counter posing one against another will only result in blurring our vision to identify our own shortcomings, thereby hurdling the much required remedial measures. Better, we should try to avoid it.

NGO, SELF-HELP GROUPS ETC

The issue of self-help groups (SHG) and cooperatives also came up in the discussion. It appears, there are illusions among the comrades about their efficacy. No doubt, self help groups may be an effective instrument of organising the people particularly from the poorest strata of the society in the democratic movement. But even that aspect also depends on as to who are leading those self-help groups. Dominance by NGOs in the SHGs will not help making the SHGs a component of the democratic movement. Rather, it may push them in the opposite direction. Same dichotomy exists in the cooperative movement as well. Both SHGs and cooperatives are effective instruments of organising people provided they are led by the movement of the toiling people with a clear perception of advancing the struggle as the main task. They are all instruments or intermediary stage of bringing the people together and not an end by itself.

In this context, the concrete observation and formulation made on the NGOs in the General Secretary’s report warrants particular attention. The mushrooming of NGOs in the era of neoliberalism is not a phenomenon in our country alone, it is an international phenomenon. Most of them are foreign funded and are driven by the donors’ agenda to occupy the space of the mass and class organizations and weaken the democratic movement.

DIRECTION OF STRUGGLES

Comrades, the deliberations of the conference have broadly endorsed the formulation and direction set by the General Secretary’s Report. And the direction is to carry the united struggle of the working class against the exploitative regime to further heights and convert the same to a peoples’ struggle. It is because of consistent struggle by the working class against neoliberal economic policies since 1991, which led to broadening of platform of struggles over the years and its political fall out, the country has reached to the point of being governed by a political combine which is dependent on the Left Parties.

We have to set our organisation in this perspective. CITU has to expand its base to command the capacity of mobilising others in the struggle. We have also to take initiative to activise NPMO and to begin with, we have to start effectively mobilising our own stream of mass organisations in action, breaking the barrier of being limited merely making joint statements. We have already decided this and reiterated our decisions in successive meeting of the General Councils and Working Committees but did precious little. We cannot afford to continue with this inaction of our own segment of NPMO at the central level.

We have already started spadework in that direction with an optimism to advance in this direction. We have had a round of talk with All India Kisan Sabha. To start with we propose to observe an ALL INDIA CAMPAIGN DAY jointly with All India Kisan Sabha and All India Agricultural Workers’ Union in 1st week of March 2007 through countrywide mobilisation in all districts and industrial centres on the following demands/issues:

1. Against price rise
2. Strengthening Public Distribution System
3. Universalisation of the Employment Guarantee Act to include urban unemployed also
4. Comprehensive legislation on service conditions and social security for Unorganised Sector Workers and Agricultural Workers separately
5. Regularisation of Anganwadi workers and helpers
6. On SEZ related issues

We have also to go in for vigorous struggle from independent platform of CITU for immediate enactment of comprehensive legislation on Unorganised Sector Workers. All India Coordination Committee of Unorganised Sector Workers has already decided to go in for countrywide strike action on this demand. We have to draw a detailed programme of phased campaign and agitations to culminate into countrywide strike action on this demand involving the entire working class. The CITU Secretariat will finalise the date of strike. It is possible to draw other trade unions into this struggle and condition for the same can be created by our independent campaign and agitation.

This conference is taking place in the backdrop of massive countrywide united general strike of 14th December 2006 on 16-point demands against the anti-people economic policy of the Govt. We have to carry forward this united struggle to further height through militant mobilisation of the entire working class in the forthcoming period. To draw further course of actions by the united platform of struggle, we have to hold consultations with other trade unions and it is expected that at the time of budget session of Parliament next phase of joint campaign and agitation on the same 16 - point demands would commence. We have to keep ourselves prepared for the same.

The initiative for next phase of united struggle would be accompanied by various sectoral actions for which the process has already been initiated. The Committee of Public Sector Trade Unions (CPSTU) has already decided in its extended session held in November 2006 at Bangalore to hold an all india convention of public sector unions against the anti-worker guidelines of Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) on the 7th round wage revision for PSU workers during the initial phase of budget session of Parliament. On the day following the convention, a massive demonstration will be organised before Parliament on the same issue. The All India Joint Convention will also chalk out phased programme of campaign and agitation, including direct actions demanding scrapping of the DPE guideline. One day before the All India Convention, the All India Coordination Committee of Public Sector Unions (CITU) will meet at Delhi.

As conceived by the successive Working Committee and General Council meetings of CITU, and reiterated by the Commission discussion on ‘Menace of Contractorisation and Outsourcing’, we have to organise an All India Convention of Contractor Workers to launch countrywide campaign and agitation demanding concrete legislative and administrative action against unlawful contractorisation of regular and permanent work and for proper wages and social security benefits for contract workers pending regularisation of contract workers deployed in permanent and perennial jobs.

ORGANISATION

Side by side with the agitational activities and also to make such activities more effective and all embracing, we have to take up the organisational tasks as well with all seriousness. The most important aspect of this aspect is strengthen democratic functioning of the organization at all levels to unleash all round organizational initiative and develop more equipped cadres from among the workers. We require large number of cadres to spread the organisation to vast section of workers yet unorganised. For that we have to develop leading cadres from among the workers themselves to act as CITU organisers in all the workplaces. Towards this end, we have to equip our cadres ideologically and organisationally if we are to discharge our crucial task of politicalising the mass of the workers.

We have to continue with the educational programmes with regular frequency along with other activities. And the current year – the Centenary year of our founder General Secretary P Ramamurti, should be specially observed by all our affiliate units and associate organizations through intense educational activities, through organising trade union schools, seminars and symposia on ideological and movemental issues. At the same time, we have to vigorously pursue the task of building the P Ramamurti Memorial Trade Union School and Research Centre to accomplish the target at the earliest. I also take this opportunity to remind the defaulting State Committees of their commitment to fulfill the quota of P Ramamurti Memorial Fund.

To conclude, CITU pledges to fight for change of the exploitative order towards the socialist alternative. All our activities thus must aim at politicalising the mass of the workers through experience of day-to-day struggle, simultaneous drive to imbibe class outlook among them and equip them ideologically. Ideological struggle against the offensive of the de-ideologisation by the capitalist class is thus a crucial task before us and we must pursue the same with all seriousness.

(This summing speech was the last contribution of Comrade Chittabrata Majumdar and as such it will be a treasure for the CITU)